The local elections in March 2024 may have marked the beginning of a new era in Turkish politics – and not just because the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) was overtaken by its main opponent. In the country’s largest city, Istanbul, the elections saw the emergence of a new generation of female politicians. More than a year on, the changes look set to last.
Among the new entrants to the political scene was Sinem Dedetaş, who won the key district municipality of Üsküdar. To some in Turkey, her victory signaled a broader transformation in gender relations – and her growing profile is leading to speculation that she could one day run for national leadership.
According to Dr. Ayşe Kaşıkırık of the Global Equality and Inclusion Network, this transformation began with an earlier set of elections, in 2019. As the number of female candidates and elected women rose, these women became role models.
“This change wasn’t limited to metropolitan cities like Istanbul,” Kaşıkırık says. “Even traditionally conservative provinces like Şanlıurfa elected their first-ever female muhtars [neighbourhood heads]. It’s a sign of a grassroots transformation. The presence of women leaders inspires others to believe, ‘I can do it too.’”
The data also supports Kaşıkırık’s thesis. There are currently 75 female mayors in Turkey. Five of these women serve in metropolitan municipalities, six in provincial municipalities, and 64 in district municipalities. The number of these women makes up 7.5% of mayors in Turkey, and is a significant increase compared to previous years. The number of female muhtars has almost doubled in the last local elections, rising from 1,134 to 2,150.
The primary barrier for women in local politics is financial, according to political analyst İlkan Dalkuç. Candidates with access to financial resources are often selected for city council seats, which leads to a dominance of the wealthy in local governance, he says.
City council positions often go to those with financial means. Furthermore, political funding largely stems from local governments, which are typically male-dominated spaces where informal and often opaque networks thrive, he adds.
“A mayor controls the budget and must build relationships using that power. It’s much harder for such ties to be formed between a female politician and male businessmen in the context of Turkish society,” he says.
“That’s why women are rarely preferred for these roles. Even when women are chosen as council members, they’re seldom nominated for mayor.”
A recent policy change that allowed muhtars to collect wages was also a factor in encouraging more women to run for these positions, he notes, adding that the rise of female muhtars was “one of the most striking trends”.
Sinem Dedetaş, Üsküdar’s newly-elected mayor and a shipbuilding engineer by profession, first came to public attention in 2019 when she was made general manager of Istanbul’s municipal ferry company City Lines. In March 2024, she won Üsküdar – long considered an AKP stronghold – with 49.92% of the vote.
Since then, Dedetaş’ profile has continued to rise. Throughout the rest of 2024, as Istanbul’s CHP mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu was gearing up to make a run for presidency – Turkey must hold presidential elections by 2028 – Dedetaş was being tipped to succeed him as the city’s top official.
Then in March this year, İmamoğlu was arrested on corruption charges, sparking protests among his supporters, who saw this as an attempt by Turkey’s current president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, to neutralise a potential rival. With a possible ban from politics looming over İmamoğlu, speculation has grown over who might fill his shoes. Dedetaş’ name frequently comes up.
Like many female politicians, Dedetaş has faced gendered attacks. Journalist Fuat Uğur claimed that Üsküdar Municipality offered “twerking lessons” and accused her of being unable to pay salaries. (Dedetaş rejected the allegations.)
“Sinem Dedetaş should twerk and collect money to pay Üsküdar municipal workers,” he suggested.
Dedetaş condemned political double standards at a city council meeting in April, during a discussion about insults targeting İmamoğlu’s wife Dilek. “You can’t say such things to a mother from the AKP, but you think it’s fair game for a mother in the main opposition,” she said. “I leave that to your conscience.”
For some, the emergence of new female politicians is also a challenge to the values espoused by the governing AKP. Can Kakışım, director of the Ideapolitik Institute think tank, argues that the AKP aims to confine women to domestic roles and reduce their visibility in public life.
“Increasing women’s visibility and participation in politics is crucial for strengthening democracy, pluralism, and equality, especially in times like these,” he says.
Kakışım stresses that this rise is not symbolic but based on merit, highlighting Dedetaş’s professional successes. “She had a strong track record as a bureaucrat at City Lines ahead of her nomination,” he says.
“But merit alone isn’t enough,” Kakışım adds. “Building strong public relations is also key.”
Burak, an Üsküdar resident of 10 years, follows Dedetaş’s projects on Instagram. “I’ve seen initiatives for women and stray animals,” he says. “It’s nice to have a female mayor, but I didn’t vote for her just because she’s a woman. I supported her because the race is usually unfair, in favour of male candidates.”
Büşra Kılıç, a political scientist who has lived in Üsküdar for 32 years, sees Dedetaş’s victory as theory becoming reality. “My 60-year-old mother takes selfies with her and posts them on Instagram. When a friend complained about a lack of pedestrian crossings, she received a personal call. Dedetaş is not just a mayor – she’s a living symbol of women’s place in politics and society,” she says.
The rise of female leaders is a boost for efforts to achieve gender equality. Yet resistance within the wider political system persists. Women leaders are often confined to areas like social services or culture. When they try to enter traditionally “masculine” domains such as budgeting or urban planning, they face scepticism from some of their male colleagues.
“Women’s networks must become more organized in political structures. Mentorship programs that empower more women must be developed,” Kaşıkırık says.
Dalkuç is not as optimistic, offering a more critical view. “When women assume decision-making roles, they face strong resistance from male-dominated informal networks,” he notes. “Real transformation may not be possible without cleaning up these networks.”